why did samuel gompers favor collective bargaining


This sharp reversal was demonstrated that spring, when the AFL president lashed out against "industrial autocracy" and the use of the labor injunction, and the New York Times dismissed him as a ranting "soap-box radical. President of the Federation's largest affiliate, Lewis offered the delegates a real opportunity for change: He was on better terms with the Republican administration than Gompers was; favored compulsory employer-financed unemployment insurance, federal old age pensions, and nationalization of the mines and railroads; and openly sought the support of left-wing unionists. The war was over, the soldiers were coming home, and democracy reigned "supreme," as the New Republic boasted. Why did workers demand collective bargaining? . And they had a field day publicizing steel organizer William Z. Outraged that reactionary politicians seemed bent on curtailing personal and civil liberties--including the right to strike, to freely criticize government, or even to enjoy a glass of beer--Gompers became an evangelist for freedom.          These were difficult years, both personally and professionally for Gompers. 62 But the fact remained that Gompers was still labor's designated spokesman, a position that he had spent his life earning, as far as his supporters were concerned.          At the same time, well-publicized (and sensational) charges of union corruption and reports that blamed union work rules and sympathetic strikes for sky-high rents and escalating construction costs also helped bolster the open-shop cause. Although he claimed to feel as energetic as he did at age forty, those who knew him well recognized signs of depression in his later years.26 Whatever his personal struggles, though, Gompers was determined to play an active role in public affairs. And that being the case, the nation could do far worse than to support the AFL's postwar program for organization, collective-bargaining rights, and living wage standards. "What a field day they would have if they knew the truth!          After all, wage earners had proven their worth on the battlefields and in the factories. The price of victory had been tragically high, and the prospect of postwar reconstruction seemed daunting.          In Seattle a general strike shut down the city for five days in February after shipyard workers were denied a long expected raise. "'Big Wages and Little Labor' is the slogan of your labor unions," a banker's wife complained to Gompers, outraged that union carpenters apparently earned higher hourly rates than her husband did. Grappling with the economic consequences of demobilization and eager to get government out of industrial affairs, they made it clear that market conditions, not union rules or war service, would govern wage rates and conditions in the postwar world, and they fully expected Gompers to keep his troops in line.7 These one-time allies may have honored the AFL president's service to the nation with an appointment to represent the United States on the Commission on International Labor Legislation in Paris in 1919, but now that the war was over, organized labor had lost its patriotic glow.

         After a week of attacks and counterattacks by both sides--but not by the candidates, who kept public relations cordial--the votes were finally counted. Index to Volumes "34 Despite European assurances that the IFTU was not a revolutionary organization, the Executive Council refused to affiliate: Many Council members did not share Gompers' interest in international relations, and they saw no good reason to compromise now, given the nation's aversion to anything "red.          It was not at all clear, though, once the crisis had passed, that industrialists and government officials shared those intentions. Samuel Gompers. "35 44 No longer able to count on government support, unions were all but shut out of mass-production industries, including electrical manufacturing, steel, rubber, and auto. What issues did Samuel Gompers campaign for as president of the American Federation of Labor? "There will be a more equitable division between capital and labor," he had promised on Labor Day, a promise that union leaders and rank-and-file workers took seriously.2 Recognized as partners in industry during the war, both skilled and unskilled workers had come to expect the right to a voice on the job and the right to American standards, which included the eight-hour day, union wage scales, safe working conditions, and collectively bargained agreements. He was still mourning the loss of his daughter Sadie when he set sail for Europe in January 1919.

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